Elias Hj Idris
Elias Hj Idris

















CARA MENANAM PISANG BERANGAN
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Maklumat ini diperolehi daripada pengurus ladang pisang yang menjaga ladang pisang seluas 65 ekar di Johor.
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1. Setiap pokok pisang hanya dikekalkan dengan 8 daun sahaja.
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2. Untuk pisang berangan, buah hanya dikekalkan 10-12 sikat sahaja, selebihnya dibuang bersama jantung. Ini penting untuk menghasilkan buah ynag besar dan berat ynag maksimum.
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3. Setiap tandan pisang perlu dibungkus dengan menggunakan kertas daripada jenis kertas simen atau kertas pembungkus dedak ayam. Gunakan staple dan ditutp rapat sehingga hujung pisang.
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4. Apabila jantung keluar bilangan daun hanya dikekalkan 6 helai sahaja.
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5. Anak pisang pertama hanya dibela apabila jantung pisang sudah keluar sahaja untuk mendapatkan pokok ibu yang benar-benar subur.
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6. Setelah jantung pisang dipotong, daun hanya dikekalkan 4 helai sahaja.
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7. Apabila jantung telah keluar, berhentikan pembajaan kepada pokok bagi mengelakkan buah pisang yang mengkal atau keras dah kualiti pisang jatuh.
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8. Pembajaan:
a). Mula menanam - letakkan baja penggalak akar dalam lubang sebelum menanam
b). Setelah umur 3 bulan tabur baja subur 15:15:15
c). Telaha umur 6-7 bulan tabur baja buah 12:12:17:2
d). Kadar baja hanya segenggam atau 250gram setiap pokok
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9. Merumput: Gunakan baja sentuh ICI atau BASTA. JANGAN gunakan racun serap. Pokok tidak perlu ditajak utk merumput memadai hanya meracun sahaja. Tanah juga tidak perlu digemburkan di keliling pokok utk elakkan pokok tumbang. Untuk meracun bancuhan adalah 70ml bagi 18 liter air. Pasikan bancuhan dikacau hingga sebati sebelum digunakan bagi mendapatkan kesan ynag maksimum.
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10. Penyakit: Jika daun pisang berkarat kuning atau batang pisang berbintik-bintik hitam dan berlendir akibat serangan kulat sembur dengan bancuhan kapur seluruh pokok hingga pokok menjadi putih.
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11. Memetik buah: Buah boleh dipetik apabila 2-3 daun telah layu atau kering.
Elias Hj Idris

Oleh: Dr Khalif Muammar

Teguran Ikhlas Untuk Dr Fathul Bari

Telah beredar di media sosial rakaman video saudara yang mengatakan bahawa Aqidah Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah terutama sekali asha'irah yang menegaskan bahawa Allah wujud tidak bertempat adalah berasal daripada ajaran Syi'ah dan tidak ada sandarannya di dalam Islam.

Pertama sekali tindakan mempersoalkan perkara yang menjadi sebahagian aqidah umat Islam di alam Melayu, dan telah pun selesai perbincangan mengenainya adalah tindakan yang tidak akan menatijahkan kebaikan, justeru ia akan semakin memperparahkan perpecahan umat Islam yang telah pun berpecah-belah kerana perbezaan aliran pemikiran, politik, mazhab dan pendekatan.

Daripada mempersoalkan perkara seperti ini lebih baik saudara dan kawan-kawan sealiran memberi tumpuan kepada masalah yang lebih besar dan mustahak ditangani seperti gejala kecelaruan pemikiran dan identiti, hilang keyakinan pada agama, dan keruntuhan moral di kalangan anak muda.


Perlu saudara ketahui bahawa perkara ini adalah perkara yang telah diijma'kan oleh ulama'-ulama' Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah sebagai mana terakam di dalam kitab al-Farq Bayn al-Firaq oleh Imam 'Abd al-Qahir al-Baghdadi (429H) sebagaimana yang dilampirkan. Beliau berani mengatakan seperti ini kerana inilah pandangan yang dinyatakan oleh sahabat besar Sayyidina Ali radiyallahu anhu dan dipegang oleh para ulama' ASWJ sesudahnya berdasarkan dalil-dalil ayat al-Qur'an dan Hadis yang mengisyaratkan hal ini.

Jika saudara tidak mendapatkan dalil yang spesifik, yang secara harfiah mengatakan Allah tidak bertempat itu kerana cara berfikir saudara berlainan dengan cara dan kaedah yang diguna pakai oleh ulama' dalam ilmu Kalam. Sebagai orang yang berkecimpung dalam ilmu hadis saudara perlu meraikan kaedah yang diguna pakai dalam ilmu-ilmu lain khasnya ilmu Kalam kerana ilmu Kalam adalah ilmu kulli membahas persoalan usul sedangkan ilmu hadis adalah ilmu juz'i yang hanya membahas perkara yang cabang.

Kami faham golongan salafiyyah berpendapat bahawa Allah berada di langit sesuai dengan hadis jariah dan mereka memahaminya secara literal perkataan Allah Fi al-Sama' (Allah itu  di langit).

Walhal para ulama' telah membahaskan perkara ini dengan panjang lebar mengenai kata-kata tersebut dan menyesuaikannya dengan dalil-dalil yang lain seperti ayat al-Qur'an yang mengatakan "ke mana sahaja kamu menghadap maka di situlah Allah ada" (2:115), dan "Dia bersama kamu di mana sahaja kamu berada" (57:4), dan "...apabila hamba-Ku bertanya kepadamu tentang Aku maka sesungguhnya Aku dekat" yang menunjukkan bahawa Allah SWT tidak memerlukan tempat.

Kami tidak menyesatkan orang yang mengatakan bahawa Allah berada di langit, kerana mereka melihat kepada zahir nas, tetapi kami juga berharap agar golongan salafiyyah menghormati pandangan jumhur ulama' Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah dan tidak menyesatkan mereka semata-mata kerana mereka mempunyai pandangan yang berbeza dengan golongan salafiyyah.

Saya juga menyeru kepada semua yang menganggap dirinya salafi, sesuai dengan yang dianjurkan oleh Islam, agar kita berlapang dada sesama saudara seaqidah. Ini bermakna kita tidak boleh memaksa semua orang untuk menerima aliran kita sahaja dan mengatakan semua aliran yang lain adalah sesat.

Tidak berlapang dada namanya apabila seseorang itu hanya mengambil satu pandangan dan menolak pandangan ulama' lain yang dengan alasan dan hujah yang kuat membolehkan tahlil, zikir berjamaah, bertawassul, melafazkan niat, mengamalkan tasawwuf, menta'wilkan ayat-ayat sifat, mempelajari ilmu Kalam, perkara-perkara yang oleh golongan Wahhabi dianggap bid'ah dolalah. Selama hal ini mempunyai asasnya yang kuat, dalam perkara furu', ijtihadiyyah, dan masing-masing ada dalil dan hujah maka ia patut kita raikan, kita perlu bersangka baik terhadap ulama' ASWJ dan mereka tidak boleh disamakan dengan Syi'ah, dan jangan sesekali menuduh mereka sesat. Ini kerana ia akan lebih memperparahkan perpecahan dan permusuhan yang telah pun melemahkan umat Islam.
Elias Hj Idris
Mohd Hanif with An Nur Hafieza and 11 others. Jadual Kehidupan Harian
1. bangun malam ( sekitar jam 3 pg)-mandi dan ambil wuduk
2. solat sunat wuduk.
3. solat sunat taubat.
4. solat sunat tahajjud (8 rakaat).
5. solat sunat hajat ( minta Allah makbulkan permintaan kita, bila2 masa kita minta).
6. solat sunat witir 3 rakaat.
7. istighfr 100x
8. tahlil 300x
9. لاَإِلَهَ إِلاَّ أَنْتَ سُبْحَا نَكَ إِنِّيْ كُنتُ مِنَ الظَّا لِمِيْنَ. kali 40
10. tasbih 40x
11. solat sunat fajar.
12. solat subuh.
13. baca yaassin lepas subuh.
14. solat sunat dhuha 6 rakaat.
15. Solat Zohor.-solat sunat sebelum-solat sunat selepas
16.Solat Asar-solat sunat sebelum
17. Solat maghrib-solat sunat selepas
18. Solat Isya'-solat sunat sebelum-solat sunat selepas
19. Sebelum tidur baca :- al-quran- surah Al-mulk- surah sajjadah- surah al-waqiah
20.setiap hari mesti sedekah, walaupun sedikit.


“Di dunia bukan tempat untuk berihat, tetapi tempat untuk beribadat."

-  Ustaz Ismail Kamus.
Elias Hj Idris
https://youtu.be/EZ809EsjR2A
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Us Zamihan Al-Ghari
Akhir-akhir ini, pihak keselamatan Polis Diraja Malaysia bahagian Counter Terrorisme dibawah pimpinan SAC Datu Ayub Khan, telah menahan ramai pengganas ISIS/DAESH dalam usaha menjaga keamanan negara dari anasir-anasir.

Hasil siasatan, didapati para pengganas yang ditahan menjadikan fatwa Ibnu Taimiyah dan Mohamad Abdol Wahab An Najd (Pengasas Mazhab Wahabi) dalam menjalankan operasi keganasan dan membunuh orang-orang awam yang tidak berdosa.

Hasil pendedahan pihak Counter Terrorisme, maka menyalaklah para pentaksub Ibnu Taimiyah dan para pentaksub Wahhabi.  Kata mereka, itu adalah fitnah!Ia adalah slaah faham terhadap fatwa Ibnu Taimiyah.

Namun benarkah dakwaan para pentaksub ini?
Dari sini kita dapat melihat dengan jelas bagaimana para pentaksub ini 'tidak membaca' dan tidak pun tahu intipati ajaran Ibnu Taimiyah.

What a pathetic loser.

Maka di sini, saya sajikan beberapa fatwa Ibnu Taimiyah yang dijadikan pegangan oleh pengganas ISIS/DAESH dalam menyembelih umat Islam.

FATWA PERTAMA: Dalam kitab Majmû’ al Fatâwà, 5/391 dia (Ibnu Taimiyyah) menukil dan membenarkan fatwa Ibnu Khuzaimah:
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مجموع الفتاوى [ جزء 5 – 391 ] نقل عن ابن خزيمة مقراً له قوله : (أن من أنكر أن الله استوى فوق سبع سمواته فهو كافر به حلال الدم، يستتاب، فان تاب وإلا ضربت عنقه وألقى على بعض المزابل
“Siapa yang mengingkari bahawa Allah bersemayam di atas langit ketujuh maka dia kafir kepada Allah swt, maka halal darahnya. Dia perlu diminta bertaubat, apabila dia mau bertaubat (maka dia dibebaskan) dan apabila tidak maka kepalanya harus dipenggal dan kemudian dibuang di tempat sampah."
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Ini adalah salah satu bukti yang jelas dan nyata bahawa Ibnu Taimiyah membawa satu ajaran 'mengkafirkan' orang yang tidak sefahaman dengan beliau. Malah dia menghalalkan darah orang yang tidak sefahaman dengannya. Maka inilah panduan dan pegangan pihak ISIS/Daesh dalam melakukan keganasan.

Jelas tidak ada salah faham terhadap fatwa Ibnu Taimiyah memandangkan dia sendiri yang menulis dan berfatwa dalam kitabnya; dengan mengkafirkan dan menghalalkan darah mereka yang tidak sealiran dengannya. (Nota: Maka fahaman ini jugalah yang dipegang oleh Muhammad Abdul Wahhab, pengasas fahaman Wahhabi itu).

Soalnya, daripada mana datangnya dalil yang menghalalkan darah 'ahli kibat'?

Sedangkan Islam itu sudah sempurna; di mana kita tidak perlukan Islam ini ditambah dengan ajaran Ibnu Taimiyah dan Mohamad Abdul Wahhab Al Wahabi itu.

FATWA KEDUA: Dengarlah fatwa Ibnu Taimiyyah dalam Majmû’ al Fatâwà, 6/353:
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مجموع الفتاوى [ جزء 6 – 353 ] (فى الأثر أظنه عن عمر بن الخطاب أو عن ابن مسعود
من قال أنه مؤمن فهو كافر، ومن قال أنه فى الجنة فهو فى النار…)! انتهى
“Dalam atsar, kalau tidak salah dari Umar bin Khatthab atau dari Ibnu Mas’ud: ‘Barang siapa berkata bahawa dia mukmin maka dia kafir. Dan barang siapa berkata bahawa dia (kelak) di syurga maka dia di neraka!"
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Fatwa ini juga jelas, iaitu mengkafirkan orang-orang yang beriman. Lebih malang lagi 'pendustaan' atas nama Saiyidina Umar Al Khattab r.a dibuat oleh Ibnu Taimiyah sebagaimana puak syiah berdusta atas nama para sahabat Rasulullah sallallahu 'alaihi wa aalihi wasallam dalam usaha untuk memburukkan para sahabat radhiyallahuanhum.

Persoalannya, dari mana dalil Al Quran dan hadis yang mengkafirkan 'ahli kiblat'? Mana pula dalil Al Quran dan Hadis yang menghalalkan darah umat Islam yang tidak sependapat dengannya? Masakan Saiyidina Umar Al Khattab begitu jahil terus mengkafirkan orang tanpa nas dari Al Quran dan hadis.

Jadi pesanan kita kepada pentaksub Ibnu Taimiyah dan penganut Wahhabi, janganlah hendak berdusta atas nama Saiyidina Umar Al Khattab!
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FATWA KETIGA: Dalam kitab Majmû’ al Fatâwâ, 6/486, Ibnu Taimiyah menulis:
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الذي عليه جمهور السلف!! أن من جحد رؤية الله فى الدار الآخرة فهو كافر! ….الخ
“Pendapat yang di atasnya jumhur salaf adalah barang siapa yang menentang bahawa Allah swt dapat dilihat di akhirat maka dia kafir!“
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Jadi, kita dapat melihat bagaimana Ibnu Taimiyah ini sudah tidak ada kerja lain, melainkan 'mengkafirkan' orang.

FATWA KEEMPAT: Dalam Majmû’ al Fatâwâ, 12/523 Ibnu Taimiyyah berkata:

مجموع الفتاوى [ جزء 12 – 523 ] يقول: ( … الجهمية الذين كفرهم السلف وقالوا يستتابون فان تابوا والا قتلوا
“… Al Jahmiyah yang telah dikafirkan dan diharuskan bertaubat oleh Salaf, jika mereka mahu bertaubat maka bebaslah mereka, dan jika menolak maka mereka harus dibunuh!"

Seterusnya, Ibnu Taimiyah sudah pandai pula berdusta atas nama salaf bagi membenarkan dia menghukum orang yang tidak sealiran dengannya sebagai 'kafir' dan menghalalkan darah mereka!

Soalnya, dari mana dalil Al Quran dan Hadis dari Ibnu Taimiyah dalam mewajarkan pendapatnya itu?

Sedangkan dalam ajaran Islam;
1).  Hukuman bunuh ialah ke atas pelaku kejahatan jenayah iaitu;
a. Pembunuh;
b. Seseorang yang sudah ada isteri/suami tetapi berzina;
c. Pemberontak negara "baghyu".

Sebaliknya, di sini kita lihat Ibnu Taimiyyah membuat-buat beberapa hukuman syari’at baru daripada pendapatnya sendiri. Dan tentunya kesan daripada yang demikian menurut para pengikutnya adalah 'kekafiran' dalam hal syari’at.


FATWA KELIMA: Dalam Majmû’ al Fatâwâ, 34/213

مجموع الفتاوى [ جزء 34 – 213 ] عندما سئل عن (الحشيشة) يقول: ( أكل هذه الحشيشة الصلبة حرام وهى من أخبث الخبائث المحرمة، وسواء أكل قليلا أو كثيرا، لكن الكثير المسكر منها حرام باتفاق المسلمين، ومن استحل ذلك فهو كافر، يستتاب، فان تاب وإلا قتل كافرامرتدا، لا يغسل ولا يصلى عليه ولا يدفن بين المسلمين، وحكم المرتد شر من حكم اليهودى والنصرانى
Ketika dia ditanya tentang Hasyîsyah (sejenis tumbuhan narkotik/ dadah/ hashis): “Memakan Hasyîsyah keras itu haram hukumnya. Ia paling buruknya benda-benda buruk yang diharamkan. Baik mengambilnya sedikit mahupun banyak. Tetapi dalam jumlah banyak yang sampai memabukkan haram hukumnya sesuai kesepakatan umat Islam. Dan barang siapa menghalalkannya maka dia kafir, dia harus diminta bertaubat, apabila mahu bertaubat maka bebas, dan apabila tidak maka harus dibunuh sebagai seorang kafir murtad, tidak perlu dimandikan dan tidak harus disolatkan serta tidak boleh dikebumikan di perkuburan kaum muslimin. Dan hukuman atas orang yang murtad lebih jahat dari hukuman atas Yahudi dan Nasrani.”

Daripada fatwa tersebut, Ibnu Taimiyah tidak hanya sekadar mengharaman, tetapi penghalalan darah. Maka atas dasar itu maka dibolehkan membunuh orang yang menganggap halal sesuatu yang pada mereka di anggap haram seperti merokok. Sedangkan, di kalangan ulama sendiri perkara-perkara ini masih diperselisihkan.

Apa yang difatwakan oleh Ibnu Taimiyyah adalah penetapan syari’at secara peribadi, bukan berdasarkan syari’at Ilahi. Agama hanya milik ALLAH bukan milik Ibnu Taimiyyah!

FATWA KEENAM: Dalam fatwa ini Ibnu Taimiyah menyuruh agar peperangan dicetuskan jika berlaku perbezaan pendapat dalam urusan furu' agama (perkara khilafiyah).

Ibnu Taimiyah memfatwakan hukuman mati ke atas se siapa yang mengeraskan bacaan niat dalam solat… seperti yang biasa dilakukan para pengikut mazhab Syafi’i.

Ibnu Taimiyyah berkata:
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يقول في وفي مجموع الفتاوى [ جزء 22 -/ 236 ] (الجهر بلفظ النية ليس مشروعا عند أحد من علماء المسلمين ولا فعله رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم، ولا فعله أحد من خلفائه وأصحابه وسلف الأمة وأئمتها، ومن إدعى أن ذلك دين الله وأنه واجب فإنه يجب تعريفه الشريعة وإستتابته من هذا القول، فإن أصر على ذلك قتل)!!.. انتهى
“Menjaharkan/mengeraskan suara dengan redaksi niat tidak disyari’atkan menurut seorang pun daripada para ulama, dan tidak dipraktikkan oleh Rasulullah sallallahu 'alaihi wa aalihi wasallam., dan tidak juga dilakukan oleh seorang pun daripada para khalifah dan para sahabat beliau serta salaf dan para imam umat ini. Dan sesiapa yang mendakwa bahawa hal demikian itu adalah termasuk daripada agama ALLAH dan ia adalah wajib maka dia harus diberitahu/dikenalkan kepadanya syari’at yang benar dalam masalah ini dan diminta untuk bertaubat daripada pendapatnyaitu. Jika dia berkeras dan terus berpegang dengan pendapatnya maka dia harus dibunuh."

Memang benarlah puak-puak ini cukup hauskan darah...

Sebenarnya, ada beberapa kesilapan besar dalam fatwa Ibnu Taimiyah tersebut.

1). Menjaharkan bacaan niat solat adalah perkara khilafiyah dan dilakukan oleh para salaf. Buktinya, Imam Syafi'i adalah ulama salaf dan murid-murid di zamannya adalah daripada golongan salaf dan sebagai ahli golongan salaf, mereka menjaharkan bacaan niat solat. Jadi apa alasan Ibnu Taimiyah dan puak Wahhabi mengatakan orang salaf tidak menjaharkan bacaan niat solat?

2). Mana dalil nas yang menyatakan bahawa berbeza pendapat atas perkara khilafiyah wajib dihukum bunuh? Tidakkah ini yang dinamakan satu bid'ah dholalah yang tidak diajarkan oleh Rasulullah sallahu 'alaihi wa aalihi wasalam, mahupun oleh para sahabat atau para salafussoleh.

3). Maknanya, darah umat Islam yang bermazhab Syafi'i ini adalah halal. Apa bezanya Ibnu Taimiyah yang menghalalkan darah umat Islam yang beraqidah Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jamaah dengan puak Syiah yang juga menghalalkkan darah umat Islam beraqidah Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jamaah? Jadi tiada beza apa-apa di antara Ibnu Taimiyah dengan Syiah!

Jadi, di manakah letak salah faham pihak Counter Terrorisme PDRM dalam menyatakan bahawa fahaman Ibnu Taimiyah yang 'mengkafirkan' dan membunuh umat Islam yang menjadi asas pegangan ISIS/ DAESH adalah tidak benar?

Percayalah jika para pentaksub Ibnu Taimiyah ini memegang kuasa, pasti ramai umat Islam yang tidak berdosa akan dibunuh mereka. Jadi, hapuskan puak Wahhabi walaupun dia seorang mufti, menteri, ulama muda atau apa sahaja agar kesucian Islam terpelihara.

Nota: Bertambah lagi ancaman terhadap umat Islam melalui kefahaman ajaran daripada puak-puak Wahhabi.
Elias Hj Idris
Jermeida Ong to Ojay Khoo
On 22 June 2015, Xavier Justo, a 48-year-old retired Swiss banker, walked towards the front door of his brand new boutique hotel on Koh Samui, a tropical Thai island. He had spent the past three years building the luxurious white-stone complex of chalets and apartments overlooking the shimmering sea and was almost ready to open for business. All he needed was a licence.

Justo had arrived in Thailand four years earlier, having fled the drab world of finance in London. In 2011, he and his girlfriend Laura toured the country on a motorbike and, two years later, they got married on a secluded beach. The couple eventually settled down in Koh Samui, a tourist hotspot, just an hour’s flight south of Bangkok. After trying out a couple of entrepreneurial ventures, Justo eventually decided that he would go into the hotel business. He bought a plot with an imposing house and began building: adding a gym, villas and a tennis court.

The Guardian view on Malaysian politics: a scandal meriting the world’s attention
Editorial: Investigations into the 1MDB development fund and a new security law are both cause for concern.

That June afternoon, he was expecting a visit from the tourism authorities to sign off on the paperwork. Instead, a squad of armed Thai police burst through the unlocked door, bundling Justo to the ground. The officers tied their plastic cuffs so tightly around Justo’s wrists that he bled on the dark tiled floor. The police quickly moved into his office, ripping out the computers and emptying the filing cabinets.

After two days in a ramshackle local jail, Justo was flown to Bangkok and paraded before the media, in a press conference befitting a mafia kingpin. Still wearing shorts and flip-flops, he was flanked by four commandos holding machine guns, while a quartet of senior Royal Thai Police officers briefed the assembled reporters on the charges against him.

Justo was charged with an attempt to blackmail his former employer, a little-known London-based oil-services company named PetroSaudi. But behind this seemingly mundane charge lay a much bigger story.

Six months earlier, Justo had handed a British journalist named Clare Rewcastle Brown thousands of documents, including 227,000 emails, from the servers of his former employer, PetroSaudi, which appeared to shed light on the alleged theft of hundreds of millions of dollars from a state-owned Malaysian investment fund known as 1MDB.

The documents that Justo leaked have set off a chain reaction of investigations in at least half a dozen countries, and led to what Loretta Lynch, the US attorney general, described last week as “the largest kleptocracy case” in US history.

According to lawsuits filed last week by the United States Department of Justice (DoJ), at least $3.5bn has been stolen from 1MDB. The purpose of the fund, which was set up by Malaysia’s prime minister, Najib Razak, in 2009, was to promote economic development in a country where the median income stands at approximately £300 per month. Instead, the DoJ alleged that stolen money from 1MDB found its way to numerous associates of Prime Minister Najib, who subsequently went on a lavish spending spree across the world. It also accused Najib of receiving $681m of cash from 1MDB – a claim he denied. Money from 1MDB, the US also claimed, helped to purchase luxury apartments in Manhattan, mansions in Los Angeles, paintings by Monet, a corporate jet, and even financed a major Hollywood movie.

The US justice department breaks the alleged theft down into three distinct phases: the first $1bn defrauded under the “pretence of investing in a joint venture between 1MDB and PetroSaudi”; another $1.4bn, raised by Goldman Sachs in a bond issue, misappropriated and fraudulently diverted to a Swiss offshore company; and $1.3bn, also from money Goldman Sachs raised on the market, which was diverted to a Singapore account.

United States Department of Justice has claimed that money from 1MDB was used to buy Claude Monet’s Nymphéas Avec Reflets de Hautes Herbes, valued at $57.5m.

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United States Department of Justice alleges that money from 1MDB was used to buy Claude Monet’s Nymphéas Avec Reflets de Hautes Herbes, valued at $57.5m. Photograph: David Levene for the Guardian.

“A number of corrupt 1MDB officials treated this public trust as a personal bank account,” Lynch told the press last week. “The co-conspirators laundered their stolen funds through a complex web of opaque transactions and fraudulent shell companies, with bank accounts in countries around the world, including Switzerland, Singapore and the United States.” PetroSaudi, which is not a party to the lawsuit, denied the US allegations and said that the DoJ’s asset-forfeiture claims are “no more than untested allegations”.

Najib, who has used every ounce of his power to obstruct investigations into the scandal – a charge he denies – is not mentioned by name in the US lawsuits, which refer to him as “Malaysian Official 1”. But the man at the centre of the intricate swindle depicted in the US lawsuits is an adviser to Najib: Jho Low, a Harrow-educated 29-year-old friend of the prime minister’s stepson. Low, a babyfaced young man who likes to party with Lindsay Lohan and Paris Hilton – and calls his Goldman Sachs banker “bro”, according to the DoJ – is accused by the US of masterminding the theft of $2bn from 1MDB, which was sent to bank accounts in Switzerland, Singapore and the Virgin Islands. Low has said that he has not broken any laws and was not being investigated.

Low’s sidekick is Riza Aziz, Najib’s stepson. Riza produced The Wolf of Wall Street – Martin Scorsese’s tale of corruption, decadence and greed – and both he and Low were thanked by name in Leonardo DiCaprio’s Golden Globes acceptance speech for best actor. In 2011, Low took a 20% stake in EMI, the world’s largest music-publishing company, for $106m – in the same year, he bought a $30m penthouse for his father at the Time Warner Center in Manhattan, overlooking Central Park. Riza’s Hollywood production company has said: “There has never been anything inappropriate about any of Red Granite Pictures or Riza Aziz’s business activities.”

All this and more is laid out in the US filing, which details claims of an amazing heist, carried out by conspirators who rinsed billions from the people of Malaysia through offshore accounts and shell companies in tax havens such as the Seychelles and British Virgin Islands. The scale of the enterprise echoes Balzac’s maxim that behind every great fortune lies a great crime.

Jho Low with Paris Hilton at an event in Paris.
Jho Low with Paris Hilton at an event in Paris. Photograph: GoffPhotos.com

The global effort to uncover Malaysia’s missing billions began with Xavier Justo. He leaked 90GB of data, including 227,000 emails, from his former employer PetroSaudi, an oil services company that had signed the first major deal with 1MDB. (PetroSaudi denies any wrongdoing.) Without these files, there would have been no reckoning.

Justo’s connection to PetroSaudi was his long friendship with one of the company’s two founders, a Saudi national named Tarek Obaid. The two men had met back in the late 1990s, when they both partied regularly in the nightclubs of Geneva. By 2006, the two men were inseparable: Justo had become an established businessman, running a large financial services firm, Fininfor, and the owner of a Geneva nightspot named the Platinum Club. Justo regarded Obaid as a “younger brother”, and in 2008, lent him $30,000 and a desk in the Fininfor offices to help start up PetroSaudi.

Obaid and Justo were an unlikely pair, brought together by a love of the high life. Justo, the son of Spanish immigrants to Switzerland, did not go to university. Obaid is a graduate of Georgetown University’s prestigious School of Foreign Service. His brother, Nawaf, served as a special adviser to the Saudi ambassador to the UK. Obaid’s PetroSaudi co-founder, Prince Turki bin Abdullah, is the seventh son of the late King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz, who ruled Saudi Arabia from 2005 until his death in 2015.

When Justo left Geneva in 2009, PetroSaudi was little more than a name on a calling card, formally incorporated in London with an address at an anonymous business unit near Victoria. Two years later, it had taken in $1.83bn.

PetroSaudi’s business was access capitalism: opening doors with the help of friends in high places. The basic idea was to capture a piece of the huge oil revenues being generated by state-owned firms in developing countries – treasure chests waiting to be unlocked by a firm that was a “vehicle of the Saudi royal family”, which could count on the “full support from the kingdom’s diplomatic corps”. PetroSaudi told potential partners that it controlled oil fields in central Asia, which it would put up as collateral to secure cash from state investors.

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This was the pitch that landed PetroSaudi’s founders a meeting with the Malaysian prime minister in August 2009. Aboard a 92m megayacht off the coast of Monaco, Obaid and Prince Turki spent the day with Najib, his adviser Jho Low, and other members of the prime minister’s family. Snapshots taken at the meeting have the look of a holiday cruise – baseball caps and shorts – but their discussion was serious business. What resulted was a decision for Low and Obaid to work together on a deal that would allow them both to control mind-boggling sums of money.

Although Low held no formal position in the Malaysian government, he had become a trusted confidant to the prime minister. Despite his youth, Low had been instrumental in working with Goldman Sachs to set up a sovereign wealth fund to invest the revenues of an oil-rich Malaysian state.

Around the time that Low and Najib went boating with the PetroSaudi founders, the Malaysian central government took control of the wealth fund – which was soon renamed as 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) and given a mandate to promote economic development in Malaysia.

The fund had more than $1bn to spend, and Prime Minister Najib had the sole power to approve investments and to hire and fire board members and managers. Low appeared to facilitate transactions – according to the DoJ, he even attended board meetings of 1MDB and acted as a link with the PM.

This drawing by Vincent Van Gogh, worth $5.5m, was allegedly bought with money from 1MDB, according to the US authorities. Photograph: Frank Baron for the Guardian.

The new fund’s first major deal was signed a few weeks after the meeting with PetroSaudi – a $2.5bn joint venture agreement between PetroSaudi and 1MDB, inked during a visit by Najib to Saudi Arabia in September 2009. The press release said that the joint venture would “make strategic investments in high-impact projects” and “underscored the confidence Saudi Arabia has in Malaysia”.

But, according to the US justice department, the deal was merely a “pretence” for “the fraudulent transfer of more than $1bn from 1MDB to a Swiss bank account” controlled by Low – “a 29-year-old with no official position with 1MDB or PetroSaudi”. PetroSaudi has always maintained that all 1MDB funds were paid to entities owned by its shareholders.

The multibillion-dollar joint venture deal was completed with extraordinary speed – in less than a month. Shortly after the yacht meeting, on 28 August 2009, Obaid had introduced Low to Patrick Mahony – the company director who handled PetroSaudi’s business affairs. According to documents seen by the Guardian, Low and Mahony met for lunch in New York on 9 September to discuss the joint venture.

After dining at Masa – a sushi restaurant where the set menu costs $540 a head – Mahony emailed Low the next day with an offer: “We know there are deals you are looking at where you may want to use PSI [PetroSaudi] … we would be happy to do that. You need to let us know where.” PetroSaudi said the documents seen by the Guardian are unreliable, stolen, fake and that they have been selectively quoted.

Less than three weeks later, the deal was done. PetroSaudi would contribute $1.5bn in oil and gas assets to the joint venture, while 1MDB would inject $1bn in cash.

According to the US court filing, 1MDB transferred $300m into an account belonging to the PetroSaudi joint venture, but the remaining $700m was sent to a Swiss account at RBS Coutts, controlled by a Seychelles-registered shell company named Good Star. The US justice department complaint alleges that Jho Low, and not PetroSaudi, was the beneficial owner and sole authorised signatory of Good Star. US authorities claim that officials at 1MDB provided false information to banks about the ownership of the Good Star account in order to divert the $700m.

In documents seen by the Guardian, on 30 September 2009 PetroSaudi appears to direct that the $700m be paid into an account controlled by the company – but three days later, when the compliance department at RBS Coutts requested further details about the name of the beneficiary account, the address given by 1MDB was the Good Star account. On the same day, 2 October, Low emailed Mahony to say “Shld be cleared soon”. PetroSaudi told the Guardian: “No money put into the joint venture by 1MDB was misappropriated or is missing. Its investment was repaid with profit … All transfers from 1MDB were paid with the full approval of the 1MDB board.”

According to documents seen by the Guardian, the Good Star transaction made Obaid, then 32, and Mahony, then 33, very rich men. Records indicate that on 30 September 2009, Good Star agreed to pay $85m to Obaid, which the Seychelles company described as a fee for “brokering services”. The money was deposited into Obaid’s Swiss JP Morgan account. At the same time, emails and legal documents indicate that Mahony was given a contract as “investment manager” for Good Star. On 20 October, Obaid emailed his contact at JP Morgan to request that $33m be transferred into an account belonging to Mahony.

Four days later, Mahony began discussions to set up an offshore company to buy a £6.7m townhouse in Notting Hill – and by 12 November, contracts for the house had been exchanged. The former banker created a numbered bank account in Switzerland, and all payments for the purchase were made from this account, via a British Virgin Islands company that Mahony had set up.

In response to questions from the Guardian, PetroSaudi said the payment to Obaid was not a brokerage fee and that the transfer of $33m to Mahony had nothing to do with the PetroSaudi-1MDB joint venture.

Laura and Xavier Justo were blissfully unaware of their friend Obaid’s changing fortunes. The couple were sunning themselves on Thailand’s Andaman coast in December 2009 when Obaid rang Justo offering him a director’s position in London with PetroSaudi. He told Justo the company had become an overnight success, but it needed someone who could help it grow.

Justo rejected Obaid’s initial offer, but he was eventually persuaded by the temptation of a well-paid “adventure”. According to Justo, Obaid promised him a salary of £400,000, “millions in bonuses” and the perk of a £10,000-a-week flat in Mayfair, central London. Justo pitched up in London in spring 2010, and by June was a PetroSaudi director. But he was kept out of the lucrative Asian business. Instead, Justo, a native Spanish speaker, was tasked with launching a new operation in Venezuela, and spent much of 2011 flying between London and Caracas.

Between September 2010 and May 2011, 1MDB agreed to lend an additional $830m to the joint venture with PetroSaudi – bringing 1MDB’s total investment to $1.83bn. Of these new payments, US officials allege, $330m was paid into the Swiss account they say was controlled by Low, on the basis of a request by Obaid – who is identified in the US legal complaint as “PetroSaudi CEO”.

Emails and bank records seen by the Guardian suggest that in the nine months from September 2010, Obaid transferred $77m from his Swiss JP Morgan account to his PetroSaudi co-founder, Prince Turki bin Abdullah. According to the US authorities, banking records show that in the spring of 2011, Prince Turki also received $24m from the Good Star account controlled by Low – and that “within days”, $20m from these funds was transferred to an account belonging to the Malaysian prime minister, Najib.

Meanwhile, Low was becoming known on the New York club scene as a fixer for the global super-rich – snapped by paparazzi swigging magnums of Cristal with R&B singers and Hollywood stars. According to US authorities, Low spent $100m from the joint venture transactions on properties in Hollywood and $40m on New York apartments. The funding for The Wolf of Wall Street, the US complaint alleges, can be directly traced to the billion dollars diverted from the PetroSaudi joint venture.

In the meantime, Justo was growing disaffected with working conditions at PetroSaudi. According to his wife, Laura, the first sign of discontent was his discovery that his salary payments were only about half of what Justo said Obaid had offered him – a slight that was compounded when he learned that the promised multimillion-pound bonus would be considerably less than that – more like six figures than seven.

There were other niggles, too. He complained to Laura that he was often paid late, and sometimes not at all. He claimed that he ended up paying rent on the flat in Mayfair that was supposed to be covered by his employers.

At first, Justo told Laura, he thought these were just mishaps – nothing malicious, just poor corporate bookkeeping. But he became increasingly dismayed by Obaid’s behaviour. Justo told friends that Obaid had become “arrogant” after striking it rich. Justo was especially disturbed by what he described as changes in his younger Saudi friend – telling other people that Obaid had become irrational, and displayed “uncontrollable” rage.

Justo and Obaid’s long friendship, stretched to breaking point over 12 months of highly charged corporate life, finally snapped. At the end of 2010, Justo missed a flight for an important meeting. He apologised to Obaid, but according to Justo, his friend “went mad”, sending him a stream of abuse, via text messages and emails.

Sick with worry, Justo decided to resign in March 2011. In the angry email exchanges that followed, Obaid called Justo “arrogant” and a “smart ass”. In April, things came to a head in Mayfair. Amid the marble, dark leather and metal art deco detailing of the exclusive Connaught hotel bar, Mahony and Justo hammered out the terms of his departure. According to Justo, Mahony had agreed to pay him about 6.5m Swiss francs (£5m) in severance. However, in the midst of a heated conversation, Mahony’s phone rang. It was Obaid, who apparently told Mahony to settle on 5m Swiss francs (£3.85m). Justo, who had poured his heart out to Mahony, telling him he was at his “lowest point emotionally”, shed tears. A day later, Justo claims that he was told his severance package would, in fact, be 4m Swiss francs (£3m).

As the rancour set in, Justo took a copy of the data on the PetroSaudi servers. In September 2013, a little more than two years after he had left PetroSaudi, Justo sent a fateful email to Mahony. Justo was insistent that he be paid what was owed to him, warning that he had a file of information on PetroSaudi. “The official side paints a nice picture but the reality is commissions, commissions, commissions,” he wrote.

What troubles me so much is the way in which I see this situation ending – with the destruction of you

Patrick Mahony

In the furious exchanges that followed, Mahony accused Justo of blackmail. Mahony presciently told his former colleague: “What troubles me so much is the way in which I see this situation ending – with the destruction of you.”

A few months earlier, over a Chinese meal in London, the journalist who would break open the 1MDB scandal first heard rumours about an extraordinary heist in Malaysia. Clare Rewcastle Brown met a contact at a restaurant in Bayswater who showed her screen grabs of internal documents from PetroSaudi: on a single printed page, there were highlights of PetroSaudi’s dealings with 1MDB, under the heading “Thousands of documents related to the deal (emails, faxes and transcripts)”. She recognised the names and the deal. Her heart skipped a beat. “A bomb went off in my head,” Brown recalled. She knew right away that this was a huge story.

Rewcastle Brown is a classic British rebel at the heart of the establishment. She was born on the island of Borneo – part of which now belongs to Malaysia – when it was still part of the British empire, where her father was a colonial policeman and head of the local intelligence service. Her brother-in-law is the former British prime minister Gordon Brown. After working as a reporter for the BBC, in 2010 Rewcastle Brown set up Sarawak Report, a website dedicated to uncovering corruption in the place of her birth.

Working out of her tiny kitchen in central London, she published story after story exposing corruption in the timber and oil industries that were despoiling the country’s rainforests for profit. Her email was hacked and she received death threats, but she carried on, regardless. Early in 2013, Malaysian politicians labelled her an “enemy of the state”. Rather than be cowed, she considered this a badge of honour. In person, Rewcastle Brown is a curious mix of the bawdy and the brave, almost to the point of recklessness. Her mantra: “I just want the story.”

After the meeting in Bayswater, Rewcastle Brown knew she needed to get the 1MDB documents. The first hurdle was that the source of the PetroSaudi papers apparently wanted millions for the information. It was money she did not have.

Another stumbling block was that no journalist in Malaysia wanted to touch the story. In Malaysia, Prime Minister Najib had just won a tightly contested election, and was flush with power. Rumours were swirling around the cache of PetroSaudi documents – some said the Russian mafia was behind the data dump, while others speculated that it might be an elaborate trap, set by the prime minister to ensnare his critics.

Undeterred, Rewcastle Brown arranged with her contact to meet the source in Thailand. In October 2013, she pitched up at the lobby of the Plaza Athénée hotel, in Bangkok. She had told her husband she was hoping to meet a “balding bespectacled short Swiss guy”. Instead, into the foyer stepped Xavier Justo – muscular and 6ft 6in tall. Rewcastle Brown was faced with a “physically imposing, extremely elegant” man. “Oh my God,” she thought. “This guy is going to duff me up.”

But Justo admitted that he was just as scared as she was. According to Rewcastle Brown, he seemed “very, very nervous” and repeatedly warned her that “the people we were dealing with were ruthless, had huge amounts of money and were very, very powerful – and they could do what they liked to us”.
Justo told Rewcastle Brown that he wanted $2m in exchange for the PetroSaudi-1MDB documents. It was, he said, the money he should have been paid when he left PetroSaudi.

Although he shared a few documents at the meeting, Justo was adamant: no cash, no data. Rewcastle Brown needed to find a rich person prepared to pay for the papers.

At around this time, concerns about 1MDB had begun to spread in Malaysia. Financial analysts pointed out that the fund was not generating enough cash to cover interest payments on the billions of dollars of debt it had acquired. The hundreds of millions that had been spent on art work, jewellery, real estate, gambling and parties did not realise any return on the “investment”. By 2014, Prime Minister Najib’s political opponents had taken to taunting him with the accusation that the wealth fund should be renamed “1Malaysia’s Debt of Billions”.

In August 2014, Najib received another political blow. Mahathir Mohamad, the towering figure of modern Malaysian politics who served as prime minister from 1981 to 2003, announced that he was withdrawing support for Najib, his former protege. In the weeks that followed, Mahathir became more vocal in his criticism, warning that 1MDB was adding to Malaysia’s dangerously high debt levels.

This warning went unheeded. The fund’s debt swelled. By November 2014, 1MDB owed almost $11bn. Najib, who chaired the fund’s advisory board, appeared unconcerned, telling the state news agency that the government was not liable for the debt if the fund went bankrupt.

As the crisis deepened, Rewcastle Brown continued her quest for a person willing to pay Justo for the PetroSaudi-1MDB documents. She noticed that some of the most searching reporting on the scandal had appeared in Malaysia’s best-selling business weekly, the Edge. Sensing that she may have found a wealthy ally, Rewcastle Brown contacted the Edge’s owner, Tong Kooi Ong, a former banker turned media tycoon, who owned a number of business publications.

In January 2015, Tong, Rewcastle Brown and Justo met in a five-star Bangkok hotel, the Fullerton. Tong booked a conference room, and brought a number of IT experts, as well as the editor of the Edge, Kay Tat. At the meeting, Justo laid out the 1MDB joint venture, making the same claims that the US Department of Justice would set out 18 months later: namely that hundreds of millions of dollars that were intended for economic development in Malaysia had instead been diverted into a Seychelles-based company. The man at the centre of the transaction was alleged to be Najib’s adviser and family friend, Jho Low.

It was a potentially huge scoop. Tong agreed to pay Justo $2m. Tong and Rewcastle Brown were immediately handed disk drives with the data. But the payment was never made. Justo did not want the money in cash, and he worried that a large transfer of funds into his account would look suspicious. Tong offered Justo one of his Monets as collateral – but Justo declined, and said “no, I trust you”. Rewcastle Brown finally had the documents she had been chasing for 18 months.

On 28 February 2015, Rewcastle Brown posted the first big story online – under a typically unrestrained headline: “HEIST OF THE CENTURY!” The article claimed to show how $700m had disappeared from the 1MDB joint venture and found its way into various offshore companies and Swiss bank accounts.

The impact of the article was felt around the world. In the US, law enforcement officials who had been alerted to reports that Low was spending huge amounts on New York apartments now had a fix on the possible source of his wealth.

While researching the story, Rewcastle Brown had teamed up with the Sunday Times, which helped her decrypt the files Justo had given to her. The paper ran an interview with Mahathir, the former Malaysian prime minister, who called for an immediate investigation and a full audit. “Somebody must be doing something stupid to part with $700m for no very good reason as far as I can see,” he said.

In Malaysia, the response was immediate. On 1 March 2015, 1MDB’s management claimed that it had exited the joint venture in 2012, and that it had received back its investment in full, with an additional profit of $488m. PetroSaudi claimed that the $700m had all gone to “PetroSaudi-owned entities” – denying, in other words, that companies controlled by Jho Low had received payments in the deal.
Not long before Rewcastle Brown’s story broke, 1MDB’s bonds had been effectively downgraded to junk. After another £200m of Malaysian government funds were required to plug a hole in 1MDB’s finances, Najib bowed to the inevitable and ordered investigations by the country’s auditor general and the parliamentary accounts committee. Soon, the country’s central bank and anti-corruption agency were also looking at 1MDB. Malaysia’s top policeman was reported as saying that the prime minister would also be investigated.

Najib tightened his grip on power. As prime minister and finance minister, he wielded enormous authority: in April, the government pushed through harsh penalties and restrictions on free speech, particularly on social media. Five executives of Tong’s The Edge Media Group – which had also published details of the PetroSaudi deal – were arrested for sedition. The government also introduced a new law, ostensibly aimed at terrorists, which allowed suspects to be detained indefinitely. In July 2015, the Edge weekly was banned from publishing.

Although the scandal only seemed to be getting bigger, it had not ensnared Prime Minister Najib personally. Then, on 2 July, Rewcastle Brown and the Wall Street Journal reported that Malaysian government investigators had discovered that $681m from banks, agencies and companies with ties to 1MDB had been deposited in Najib’s private accounts in 2013. A few days later, investigators raided the offices of 1MDB.

Najib was now at the centre of a corruption probe relating to allegations that billions of dollars had disappeared from a Malaysian investment fund he controlled. Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, once a supporter of Najib, publicly called on him to answer questions about the fund. It seemed that Najib was cornered.

Malaysia’s Prime Minister Najib Razak strengthened his grip on power as the 1MDB scandal gathered pace.

On the morning of Monday 28 July, the attorney general, Abdul Gani Patail – a party loyalist who had previously gone after the prime minister’s opponents – arrived at his office expecting to finalise corruption charges against Najib. The indictment, which Rewcastle Brown later obtained and published, would have charged the prime minister with corruption resulting from the investigations into 1MDB.

The attorney general never got to press those charges. On reaching his office, he was summarily dismissed by a civil servant. In a public statement, Najib said the country’s top legal officer was too ill to continue in the role. Also relieved of their posts were the head of special branch and the deputy prime minister. Meanwhile, four members of the investigating parliamentary accounts committee were promoted, without any choice, to cabinet positions, which left them with no power to continue investigating, and the committee’s work was declared suspended. The next day, a mysterious fire swept through police headquarters, where records of white-collar crimes were kept.
It seemed that Najib was in control again.

The crackdown revealed a ruthless side to Najib. However, there was a loose end that could unravel everything: Xavier Justo. Not only had Justo leaked information about 1MDB’s dealings with PetroSaudi, he was also a potential star witness in any future court proceedings about the financial scandal.

Justo was placed in a cell with 70 other prisoners. The floor was covered with sweat and urine

After Justo was arrested for blackmail and flown to Bangkok in June 2015, he was placed in a cell with 70 other prisoners. The floor was covered with sweat and urine, and the room was so tightly packed that prisoners could not sleep on their backs. According to Justo’s wife Laura, her husband’s first foreign visitor was his former friend, colleague and PetroSaudi director, Patrick Mahony. Smooth and charming, Mahony flashed a smile and said he was there to help.

Laura says that Mahony offered Justo a deal: confess and plead guilty, and PetroSaudi will get you out of here by the end of the year. Justo reluctantly agreed. He signed a confession – without a lawyer present – which claimed that he had attempted to blackmail his former employers, and apologised to Mahony and Obaid “for the harm stress and anxiety I caused them”. According to Laura, a man who claimed to be a Scotland Yard detective – and later told her he had been hired by PetroSaudi – took down Justo’s confession. (PetroSaudi told the Guardian that Justo had “illegally obtained commercially sensitive, confidential and private documentation” and was in prison for “blackmail and extortion”.)

Justo was sentenced on 17 August 2015 at Southern Bangkok criminal court. At the trial he was granted a translator, but his lawyer did not turn up, sending an assistant instead. The trial and sentencing took 15 minutes. Justo got three years in a Thai jail for attempting to blackmail a UK company out of $2m.

Life behind bars in Klong Prem Central prison, where Justo is incarcerated, is not for the fainthearted. In a city where temperatures rarely drop below 26C, Justo shares a cramped “VIP” cell with 25 other prisoners. Breakfast is at 7am. Water is rationed. Prisoners have no food after 3pm. There is a small bathroom area at the rear of the cell, which consists of a tap and a hole in the floor for a lavatory.

As 2015 wore on and it became clear that her husband was not going to be out of jail by the end of the year, Laura grew increasingly suspicious of her contacts at PetroSaudi. A series of stories in the Swiss and Malaysian press purporting to tell Justo’s side of the story depicted him as an unwitting pawn in a political plot against the Malaysian prime minister. Things were not getting better for Justo – they were getting worse. In his prison cell, Justo was now sleeping on a thin blanket – his mattress was withdrawn a few months after he arrived, as was his exercise hour.

Laura came to believe that Justo was a victim of a deceit by his former friends, who tricked him into confessing and handing over copies of PetroSaudi’s servers, in an attempt to protect themselves and their Malaysian associates by burying the case. In May 2016, in a last-gasp effort to save her husband, Laura turned to the one person who she knew Justo trusted: Rewcastle Brown, who brought her to the Guardian.

When I met Laura in June 2016, she was at first calm and composed, but broke into tears when speaking about her husband, her voice cracking with emotion. Justo has not seen their son since he was eight months old. “I only want justice to be done,” Laura recently wrote in an email. “Xavier was no thief, he was only asking for what he had been promised. Even through this darkest and most difficult time of his life, which is right now, he writes to me that he is keeping strong for our son and I – that he will fight for us whatever it takes.”

Since reaching out to Rewcastle Brown and the Guardian, Laura has handed over notes smuggled out of prison in which Justo says he has been framed. Laura believes that Patrick Mahony of PetroSaudi has controlled Justo’s life behind bars, deciding how comfortable his living space would be and who could visit him. (Foreign prisoners have a list posted outside the prison of permitted visitors. Mahony is listed as number two. Laura is number five.)

Laura says she has emails and WhatsApp messages, as well as recordings of phone calls from last year that suggest that Mahony is under increasing pressure from Najib, on one hand, and from US and Swiss investigators combing through 1MDB’s deals, on the other.

In taped telephone conversations with Laura, Mahony appears obsessed with Rewcastle Brown, whom he refers to as a “bitch”. In a recorded conversation with Laura from November 2015, Mahony refers obliquely to a powerful person whom he claims could help reduce Justo’s sentence: “I told you the other evening, who the ultimate person is controlling this, and I am due to have another meeting with him soon … This guy is still stressed because it’s his political career on the line. He’s in deep shit and that’s all he cares about, nothing else.”

When Laura asks what she should tell her husband, Mahony says: “The only way that you can show that you’re on his side – to be a team player – is if you’re ready to put yourself out in the media. You are ready to denounce all the people who are conspiring against him … I am not going to lie to you … You can help the situation or you cannot help the situation.”

When Laura presses for Justo’s release, Mahony snaps. “I’m still dealing with this shit every day. You need to remember we are all in the shit. I know he’s in prison and you are alone with the baby. And I looked at you the other day and I told you I feel for you. But me, I’m also in the shit. And a lot of other people are in the shit. A prime minister of a country is in deep shit because he has been put in this shit.”
By December, Mahony admits in another phone call that he had been to the US, where “the FBI is looking at all this shit” and that he had been pulled in by the Swiss attorney general’s office. “The Swiss are continuing to really give us shit … They know they have nothing … But they say they are fearful of being accused of not doing anything.” PetroSaudi said that it will cooperate with any official authority in any jurisdiction and added that it is not the subject of any investigation in any jurisdiction. Mahony has not been interviewed by US or Swiss officials.

The consequences of Justo’s leaks are still reverberating around the world. When the US Department of Justice laid out the case against 1MDB last week, it pulled no punches. “The Malaysian people were defrauded on an enormous scale,” said Andrew McCabe, the FBI’s deputy director. US officials told the Guardian that any party who wanted to contest the attorney general’s claim must file a response in a federal court within 60 days to answer the factual allegations.

In a separate case, the DoJ is also investigating whether Goldman Sachs violated US banking law in its handling of $6.5bn in bond offerings that it carried out for 1MDB. The Wall Street behemoth earned $593m in fees for the issue. Goldman Sachs denied any wrongdoing. The bank told the Guardian: “We helped raise money for a sovereign wealth fund that was designed to invest in Malaysia. We had no visibility into whether some of those funds may have been subsequently diverted to other purposes.”

Most important was that the DoJ allegations directly contradicted repeated assertions by Prime Minister Najib about the origins and purpose of hundreds of millions of dollars that ended up in his personal bank accounts – which he had claimed was a gift from a Saudi benefactor.
The DoJ filing was released at a critical moment for democracy in Malaysia. On 1 August, a draconian national security act introduced by Najib comes into force – allowing the Malaysian government to establish martial law in any designated geographic area. The law will dramatically expand the powers of Malaysia’s security forces – allowing for arrests, searches and seizures without warrants and the bulldozing of buildings.

But in the rest of the world, investigations into the sprawling corruption scandal are continuing to expand. In Switzerland, the US justice department identified RBS Coutts and Rothschild Bank as conduits for transactions in the corruption complaint. The Swiss attorney general is probing the billion-dollar fraud. The banks declined to comment when contacted by the Guardian.

Singapore found “lapses and weaknesses” in anti-money-laundering controls at major banks. For the first time in the island state’s history, the authorities shut down a merchant bank. In April the United Arab Emirates froze hundreds of millions of dollars in accounts held by alleged conspirators in the 1MDB fraud and banned the account holders from travelling abroad.

The board of 1MDB said that it was “confident that no wrongdoing had been committed” but as a “precautionary measure”, its accounts for 2013 and 2014 should no longer be “relied on by any party”. Najib has said that he did not commit “any offence or malpractice”. His attorney general cleared him of corruption earlier this year.

For now, the man whose revelations enabled the exposure of this vast fraud remains in a Bangkok prison. Xavier Justo was motivated by a mixture of morality and revenge – the desire to settle scores with a friend who betrayed him. To get even, he chose to blow the whistle, for a price. He may not go down in history as a hero who selflessly risked ruin to expose the truth. But in doing so, he did unwittingly sacrifice himself.

• Follow the Long Read on Twitter at @gdnlongread, or sign up to the long read weekly email here.

The Long Read: How a jailed former banker and a lone British journalist broke a story that shook the world
theguardian.com|By Randeep Ramesh

Elias Hj Idris
The announcement by the US Department of Justice (DOJ) that it was taking action to seek ‘the forfeiture and recovery of more than USD1 billion in assets’ related to 1MDB will likely start the process for the eventual removal of Jibby as Malaysia’s sixth prime minister.

According to the DOJ, more than USD3.5 billion in 1MDB funds was transferred from one financial institution to another around the world from 2009 to 2015, to hide the origins of the fund and its ultimate beneficiaries. Two of those named by the DOJ were directly connected to Jibby.

The first is Riza Aziz, Jibby's stepson. Riza is infamous in Malaysia for being one of the producers of The Wolf of Wall Street. The DOJ filed forfeiture claims for the royalties from the film, suggesting that it was funded by 1MDB money.

The second is Jho Low, infamous for partying with Paris Hilton. Jho Low admitted to being an ‘advisor’ to the Terengganu Investment Authority (TIA) before it was taken over and renamed 1MDB. Jho Low was the mastermind behind the complex deals between 1MDB and Abu Dhabi financiers which lead to an even more complex system of payments around the world, so complex that financial authorities in Singapore, Switzerland and Luxembourg are still in the process of following the money trial.

While DOJ is the first to accuse 1MDB of money laundering, Singapore was the first country to take action when the Monetary Authority of Singapore ordered the closure of BSI Singapore, part of a Swiss private bank in May 2016. The Singapore BSI branch was a key conduit for 1MDB.

What the DOJ is now hoping for is for one of the main actors to turn into a prosecution witness. There is a strong likelihood that one of the bank employees or even a former employee of Goldman Sachs, who arranged the 1MDB bonds, will do so in return for staying out of jail. Even Jho Low may talk, given the right incentives.

BUT IT IS CERTAIN THAT JIBBY WILL HAVE TO GO. The question is not if, but when. Politically it will be impossible for him to shoulder on, unless Umno is happy to support a leader who has become a pariah in Western capitals.

The detailed paper trail provided by the DOJ will show how 1MDB money ended up in the hands of Riza Aziz and Jho Low, and disprove Jibby's claims that the money was a ‘donation’ from a Saudi royal. In essence, the DOJ documents will effectively destroy whatever is left of Jibby's credibility.
Umno cannot afford to keep Jibby since the next general election is due in 2018, less than two years away. Planning for elections for Umno usually takes up to 12 months.

There appears two viable options for Jibby. First, he goes for a snap election to take advantage of the Opposition's perceived lack of unity, with the de facto leader of Malaysia’s opposition Anwar Ibrahim remaining a political prisoner.

Even if Jibby wins a snap election, he would still have to give up the prime ministership, but he can largely name his retirement terms and set the timetable for his departure.

The second option is for Najib to negotiate his departure now with the Umno senior leadership. This is something that has been done, the most recent in 2008 when Pak Lah negotiated a retirement package in return for making way for Jibby. Even then, negotiations took more than six months and the original timetable for Pak Lah's retirement was delayed to early 2009.

No matter which option Najib pursues, there is little doubt that he is a political dead man walking.
[adapted from an article by Professor James Chin, Director of the Asia Institute, University of Tasmania.]
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Elias Hj Idris






Ojay Khoo
Wednesday, 27 July 2016 23:58

GET READY UMNO: AT ANY TIME, NAJIB, RIZA & JHO LOW CAN BE DRAGGED OFF TO FACE U.S. CHARGES - UNLIKE S'PORE, THE DOJ MEANS BUSINESS
Written by FinanceTwitter

Bloggers under Najib Razak’s payroll were running around like aheadless chicken, not knowing how to react and what to do when U.S. Attorney General Loretta E. Lynch suddenly tells all and sundry that the US Justice Department has filed lawsuits to seize assets that it said were the result of US$3.5 billion that was misappropriated from 1MDB.

As much as they like to deny the fact, there’s little doubt that nobody had expected the US Department of Justice (DOJ) would have acted so quick.Actually, whistle-blower Sarawak Report and The Wall Street Journal had triggered the alarm numerous times. Prime Minister Najib Razak’s band of bloggers, however, was too arrogant to notice the warnings.

“Emperor Najib”, for once since the explosion of 1MDB scandal, does not rubbish and shrug off what A.G. Lynch said. Obediently, the supposedly “untouchable” Malaysian Prime Minister has given an assurance that his government will fully cooperate with the US DOJ who is seeking to recover more than US$1 billion stolen from 1MDB.

Smarter first-tier politicians such as Najib’s No 1 bootlicker Salleh Said Keruak (Communications and Multimedia Minister) made a gigantic U-turn and dismissed his “usual” claims of an international conspiracy against Malaysia; as does Oxford-graduate Khairy Jamaluddin (Youth and Sports Minister) who chooses to zip his mouth.

US DOJ Lawsuits - 1MDB - Auditor General Ambring Buang and Inspector General of Police Khalid Abu Bakar Reactions

Auditor-general Ambrin Buang has refused to comment when asked about the move made by the US DOJ to file legal action to forfeit assets which it claims originated but diverted from 1MDB. Inspector-general of Police Khalid Abu Bakar, the country’s top police who love publicity, claims police will not act on 1MDB scandal because it is a civil matter.

1MDB Scandal - Untouchable Emperor Najib Razak - Raining Money

However, dumber third-tier politicians such as Shahrizat Abdul Jalil, whom was caught with her skirts down in CowGate scandal siphoning RM250 million in public funds meant for a state cattle ranch but used the money to purchase luxury condominiums instead, is accusing the Government of the United States of meddling in the internal affairs of Malaysia.

US DOJ Lawsuits - 1MDB - Shahrizat Jalil and Hadi Awang Reactions

Shahrizat also warned the US DOJ of a deadly consequence – the DOJ’s actions could turn Malaysia into a Syria or Iraq. Islamist party PAS President Hadi Awang, Najib’s latest bootlicker who often regarded himself as Prophet Muhammad’s private messenger also warned that the US government intervention may cause conflict and civil war in Malaysia.

Suddenly, all the UMNO warlords were so frightened of America. Perhaps their group of gangsters – Perkasa and Red Shirts – should be unleashed and mobilised to demonstrate in front of U.S. Embassy in Malaysia, scream until foaming on the mouth that the lawsuits are seditious and an insult to the Malays, Islam and the King, as they would normally do (*grin*).

US DOJ Lawsuits - 1MDB - Will UMNO Gangster “Red Shirts” Mobilized Against US Embassy
Strangely, nobody complains and threaten the Government of Singapore even though the country had already seized S$240 million (RM719.5 million) of assets related to 1MDB. Ahh, that’s because Riza Aziz, PM Najib Razak’s stepson, wasn’t named and shamed by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong.Singapore also dared not use “Malaysian Official 1” to link Najib to stolen money.

Some bloggers have started attacking Attorney General Loretta E. Lynch, accusing the woman of closing an eye to secret dealings between HSBC bank and wealthy customers, including drug lords and arm dealers. In short, A.G. Lynch should not have bothered about Riza Aziz’s dirty money, the same way she had allegedly protected other crooks’ dirty money.

Attorney General Loretta E. Lynch Announces Lawsuits On 1MDB

What these paid bloggers and some UMNO warlords aligned to Najib Razak wanted the US DOJ to do was to treat the Malaysia Prime Minister’s stepson differently from other ordinary thieves. Because they belong to the elite group,Riza Aziz and Jho Low must not be made to face the music in the U.S., let alone trying to seize more than US$1 billion in “stolen assets” from them.

Najib’s supporters conveniently ignore the fact that it was Riza Aziz and Jho Low who had interfered in the United States’ internal affairs by conductingmoney laundering using the country’s financial system. Not the other way. By threatening the Government of United States with civil war, Riza Aziz and perhaps Najib Razak could be slapped with criminal lawsuits.

Wolf of Wall Street - Riza Aziz, Joey McFarland, Jho Low

True, the US DOJ has initiated civil lawsuits and not criminal lawsuits, for the time being. The primary reason civil lawsuits were used instead of criminal is to“quickly” recover the money stolen from 1MDB using “Non-Conviction Based (NCB) confiscation”. The conventional way – a criminal charge – to recover stolen money requires a criminal “conviction”.

Using a criminal charge, therefore, is too time consuming, not to mention that both Riza Aziz and Jho Low can easily get rid of their assets and transfers their ill-gotten wealth out of America in a flash. Additionally, the US DOJ isn’t sure if Riza Aziz would be granted diplomatic immunity by PM Najib Razak by virtue of being his stepson, as many Arab royals had done in the U.S.

US DOJ Lawsuits - 1MDB - US-DOJ Links Stolen Money To Riza Aziz and Malaysian Official 1
If somehow Riza Aziz claims immunity thus not subject to US jurisdiction, it would be rather stupid for the US DOJ to use criminal lawsuits against him in the first place. Of course, President Barack Obama was trying to play nice by masking his golfing buddy – Prime Minister Najib Razak – as the secretive VIP called “Malaysian Official 1“.

Regardless of civil or criminal lawsuits, the US DOJ has established that the thieves – Riza Aziz and Jho Low – have conducted “criminal act” in looting more than US$1 billion from 1MDB. But that doesn’t mean the Government of United States cannot initiate a new set of criminal lawsuits on top of the existing civil lawsuits.

US DOJ Lawsuits - 1MDB - Riza Aziz with Step Siblings Nooryana Najwa and Norashman Najib
Depending on the Government of Malaysia’s response and retaliation on the U.S. DOJ civil lawsuits and the potential domestic political pressure within the United States; Riza Aziz, Jho Low or PM Najib Razak could be dragged to face the U.S. jurisdiction. So insult and threaten the United States Department of Justice at your own peril. - http://www.financetwitter.com/